To Journalists

The opening address at last week’s Journalism In Times Of Crisis conference at the University of Limerick was given by Gemma O’Doherty.

Gemma was fired from the Irish Independent while investigating the quashing of then Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan’s penalty points.

Gemma O’Doherty at the University of Limerick last week

Gemma O’Doherty at the University of Limerick last week

“I’d like to thank Henry Silke and University of Limerick for organising and hosting this important conference. Reporters who work at the coalface of investigative journalism in Ireland need the support of our colleagues in academia, especially when it is so lacking within the media itself.  These are very difficult times for journalism in Ireland.

Those of us who investigate corruption in public office make ourselves and our sources extremely vulnerable to those in power who would intimidate us, monitor our activities, threaten our safety and try to silence us.  In return, we receive almost no support.

We work in an era where a culture of fear and timidity stalks many of our newsrooms. It has bred a generation of journalists who behave less like dogged agents of the public interest and more like compliant diplomats and spin doctors constantly looking over their shoulders and towing the party line.

They have forgotten or chose to ignore the true function of our still noble vocation: to hold power to account, to comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable, to defend the public’s right to know, to seek the truth and report it.

In this new media landscape where many Irish journalists can no longer do their job without fear or favour, the greatest loser is democracy. A robust, independent, adversarial press is the lifeblood of a functioning democracy and a free society.  In Ireland in 2016, we have nothing close to that.

When Enda Kenny came to power in 2011, he promised a new era of integrity, accountability and transparency. But as a journalist, when you ask questions of a state press office, you hit a brick wall, more often than not.

I would argue that press freedom and the ability of the media to hold power to account is more compromised today than at any other time in the history of the state.

This has no doubt contributed significantly to the crises we have in policing, health, housing and water services.

This new era of cowering journalism has come about largely, but not only, because so much of the media has been allowed to fall into the hands of so few.

The fact that many of us now refer to the biggest owner of Irish media as ‘Redacted’ speaks volumes. One big voice has far too much power and prominence in our small country.

Not all media moguls exert the chilling effect that some do over their newsrooms. I spent most of my 17-year career at INM working for Tony O’Reilly. He invested in decent journalism and good writers. He understood newspapers, and while he was not perfect, by and large he left editors to get on with it.

And then there is Denis O’Brien.

Denis O’Brien, who attempted to bring in a so-called journalists’ charter that challenged the right and duty of reporters to engage in adversarial journalism.  

Denis O’Brien who was reported to the United Nations for making legal threats against journalists.

Denis O’Brien who last year managed to silence most of the Irish media from reporting a speech in our parliament.

Denis O’Brien who threatened to sue a website whose sole purpose is to engage in satire, that most precious form of free speech.

Is it healthy for democracy that someone who takes such an interest in silencing our right to speak be in control of so much of our media? I don’t think so.

I don’t make any distinction any longer between RTÉ and the O’Brien-owned media. If anything, I would hold more disdain for the state broadcaster because it is failing its public service remit so blatantly and really does deserve the name it is more commonly known as on social media: ‘RTEBIAS’.  It seems to disregard the fact that it is accountable to the public who pays so that it may exist.  There are so many examples of this, it has almost become the rule rather than the exception.

We saw it in its often farcical coverage of the general election which undoubtedly affected the final poll; in its bizarre reporting of the Mairia Cahill case, Slab Murphy and the Special Criminal Court; in its failure to cover allegations about Finance Minister Michael Noonan and his role in the foster care scandal; in its refusal to cover cases of gross corruption in our garda force including the cover-up of children’s murders.

There is no doubt that a culture of institutionalised complacency now dominates RTÉ where some presenters earn more than David Cameron and Barack Obama, and certain journalists see themselves as celebrities, appearing on the cover of Hello-style magazines and red carpets in designer dresses.

When they are not interviewing each other, they’re rolling out the same clique of voices and seeking to rehabilitate people who’ve been disgraced in the public eye.

At the time of my firing, I was immersed in many stories about corruption and wrongdoing in the criminal justice system. I was working with bereaved families whose loved ones had been killed in violent circumstances.

These families were alleging grave wrongdoing in the gardai but when they approached certain journalists in establishment outlets, they said their cases were not being taken on board and they got the cold shoulder.  In most cases, their stories were compelling but the families were left with a sense of abandonment that the very people who should have given them support failed them.  In doing so, they also failed the public interest.

One of the cases I’m investigating is that of Mary Boyle.  Ireland’s youngest and longest missing person was six when she was murdered during a visit to her grandparents’ remote farm in Donegal in 1977.  The authorities have failed to bring the chief suspect to justice amid allegations of garda corruption and political interference in the case.  In March, her twin sister Ann and I visited the US Congress to lobby for justice for her as that door has been firmly shut here.

Despite countless requests to RTÉ to cover this important visit, they refused to inform the public about it over the airwaves.  Was this out of fear that it might bring the Phoenix Park into disrepute and shine a light on corruption in the gardai? One has to wonder.

 So what is the effect of an obedient, cowardly media on society?  Joseph Pulitzer once said that a cynical, mercenary press would in time produce a people as base at itself.  There has certainly been an attempt by some segments of the media to dumb down the population, and when citizens start to challenge authority and engage in dissent, they refuse to report those challenges fairly.  A vivid example of that has been the bizarre coverage of the Irish Water movement and the so-called ‘sinister fringe’.

 [This] week, a journalism conference in Kerry will be opened by Noirin O’Sullivan who has presided over a litany of scandals in her time as Garda Commissioner. Joan Burton and Frances Fitzgerald are among the other speakers. That really says it all.

 We need to smash the cosy cartel that exists between the press, power and the police in this country because it is so damaging to the public good.

I would like to mention some notable exceptions in the Irish media who do try to prioritise the interests of democracy in their journalism: The Sunday Times,  IrishExaminer, Irish Daily Mail and Irish Times, and, of course Broadsheet and Phoenix.

But trust in media is understandably on the wane because the public know that so many of the issues that matter most to them are being skewed or ignored.  However, there is a bright side to all of this. This is a very exciting time to be a journalist.

As many traditional newsrooms become more focused on protecting plummeting revenues and their friends in power, investigative journalists are finding new ways to tell stories and release information and high quality content into the public domain by cutting out the middle man.  The internet has been our greatest resource in this regard.  In my own area – corruption in the criminal justice system – we have seen how documentaries like ‘Making A Murderer’ can have such a huge impact and do a lot of public good in the process.

Publicly-funded investigative websites are beginning to challenge old media where editors hold off running stories for fear of upsetting the establishment and denying the public their right to know.  Here in Ireland, a team of our finest investigative reporters have set up a new website called Righttoknow.ie to push for transparency and accountability in public life.

We must embrace this change and realise it is for the betterment of our profession and society.  But we also need to start looking at our media colleagues and asking how the journalists of the future will protect the public interest. Will they be boat-rockers who challenge authority and dig until they get answers? Will they have the tenacious rat-like cunning that proper editors once demanded of their reporters? Will they chase yarns as if their lives depended on it?

Hopefully all of the above but it is the job of our universities to nurture those characteristics in them.  I’ll finish with the words of Joe Mathews, a former reporter with the LA Times, when he spoke about how the public interest was so endangered by the crisis in journalism.

‘Much of the carnage of the ongoing media industry cannot be measured or seen. Corruption undiscovered. Events not witnessed. Tips about problems that never reach anyone’s ears because the ears have left the newsroom. With fewer watchdogs, you get less barking. How can we know what we will never know?’

Our profession is on its knees, but it is worth fighting for. We have a duty to fight for it. We need to stand up for courageous journalism whose primary focus is the public interest.  We need to read it, to buy it, to support it, because without it, the health of our democracy will remain in terminal decline.”

Original article: Broadsheet, Apr 12, 2016


Ireland: a Recovery Built on Sand

by Cillian Doyle

Cillian Doyle is an economist with the People Before Profit Alliance of Ireland.

Cillian Doyle is an economist with the People Before Profit Alliance of Ireland.

Well, the latest national growth stats are in and, despite all appearances, the poster boy for  European austerity is hands down the fastest growing economy in the Eurozone. With GDP supposedly running at 7.8%, we’re even outpacing the global titans of India and China.

The US media outlet CNN claimed that once again ‘Ireland is booming’. Yes, there it was: the dreaded b-word. It’s not that an uptick in economic activity is unwelcome thing; it’s more that in an Irish context, owing largely to the weak nature of indigenous Irish capitalism, the word “boom” is usually synonymous with bubble, and it seems another bubble could be building, but more on that later.

For now, let’s focus on where this seemingly robust growth is coming from. It’s true there has been a slight uptick in genuine economic activity place here with growth in things like personal consumption and construction, but this certainly cannot account for our current level of GDP, which suggests the place is absolutely abuzz with economic activity.

How can this be? Well the reason is that Ireland’s is a recovery built on sand – and some highly suspect statistics.

The ‘great recovery’; the hope vs the hype

The final lines of CNN’s report alluded to the real reason for our eye catching growth figures, namely ‘Ireland is widely known as a tax haven’. Yes owing largely to our status as a tax haven/offshore financial centre, our headline figures are dodgier than Donald Trump’s hairdo.

GDP isn’t a great measure of economic well-being at the best of times, failing to capture things like inequality, but in Ireland it’s effectively useless. The profit shifting of the multinational sector has rendered us a complete basket case where those figures are concerned.

If we were fortunate enough to have a crusading media they would be pointing this out time and again. Instead we have the likes of the Irish Independent cheerleading for this faux recovery and carrying quotations from IBEC, our big business lobby group, that this new boom ‘was reaching every corner of the country’.

You see right now we have two rival economic narratives vying for supremacy. The first one, which can be considered the establishment’s version, tells the tale of a great recovery and finds regular expression amongst the talking heads in our mainstream media. The second, which is one of ongoing hardship, has to fight hard to get its message across.

There is however a number of individuals/institutions who do Trojan work in countering the often shallow analysis and outright spin which emanates from on high. These include the Unite Union’s Michael Taft, the Nevin Economic Research Institute, Trinity College’s Professor Jim Stewart and University College Dublin’s Dr. Conor McCabe. Their work is required reading for those looking to get an accurate picture of our current economic condition.

Three charts that blow the ‘great recovery’ apart

Conor McCabe’s chart below shows the gross amount of credit given to Irish households and non-financial businesses from period 2003 up until to today. This, in other words, is a measure of the increase/decline in the total amount of bank loans given to these groups in the period of the Celtic tiger and its aftermath. Naturally we can see high levels of credit in the run up to the 2008 as borrowing went hand in hand with the construction boom.

But if we look at credit levels today we can see they’re rock bottom, and yet somehow in defiance of all economic rationality we are recording massive levels of growth. Conor puts it nicely when he states, ‘Credit is the fuel for the engine. What we have here is a country that is claiming it can drive for 50,000 miles on a single tank of petrol. This is no economic miracle; it’s just bullshit.’

Credit Advanced to Irish households and non-financial businesses 2003-16

Chart 1. Irish Central Bank.

So we can see from the above that our growth is not being fuelled by credit, so what is driving it? Well that brings us nicely onto our next chart. Total Fixed Asset Investment or FAI is a measure of capital spending in terms of things like machinery, infrastructure, land, technology, etc. After all, you need to be building ‘stuff’ if you are going to build the economy.

Chart 2. Eurostat.

Construction is included under the heading ‘Total Construction’ to give you an idea of the impact that a decline in a major sector can have on an economy such as ours in the post 2008 period. Intellectual Property Products, which arise from investment in things like patents, trademarks, industrial design and copyrights, is included to highlight what is arguably the real driver of our current economic growth.

Take a close look at this ‘Intellectual Property Products’ measure. Anything look peculiar? Well we see spikes (Q2 2012; Q2 and Q3 2015) which seem to just double in the space of a few weeks and then disappear. There’s clearly something up here, and that something is patents. With multinationals starting to relocate some of their intellectual property out of ‘bad tax havens’ (Bermuda, Cayman Islands, etc) and into ‘good tax havens’ (Ireland, Luxembourg, etc) our growth figures were give a massive shot in the arm.

Our final a chart plots our nominal GDP growth together with GDP growth minus this IPP component. When we do this our supposed growth of 7.8% does the kind of disappearing act that the late great Paul Daniels would have been proud of. Some recovery, huh?

Chart 3. Eurostat.

As we’ve seen from above, the lion’s share of this growth is illusory. How many people does it take to administer the relocation of a patent to Ireland? Just a handful of select individuals, customarily derived from the usual firms Goldman Sachs, Arthur Cox, KMPG, etc, what the Tax Justice Network calls the pinstripe mafia. And whilst all this may be great for the bonuses of the bigwigs down in the Irish Financial Service Centre (IFSC), for the rest of us the effect is pretty negligible.

Back to the bubble economy?

Patrick Honohan, the former governor of the Central Bank, before riding off into the sunset warned that our growth figures were ‘seriously complicated‘ by ‘distorting features‘, which is pretty much what we have seen from the above.

The great boom that CNN reported on is really just a corporate tax bubble driven multinationals locating patents and other types of intellectual property here to dodge tax, hardly what you’d call laying the foundations for long term national recovery.

Is this country doomed to stumble from one tax break backed boom and bust to the next? Commercial boom and bust, property boom and bust and will it be corporate tax boom and bust? Because with the OECD’s BEPS project, the advent of Country by Country reporting, and growing talk of standardised European corporate tax rates, any of these could act as the pinprick for this this new bubble.

Given that it’s Eastertide, our establishment parties who are quick to crow about their Christian credentials, would do well to turn to their holy books for guidance. In Matthew 7:24-27 we hear the story of the wise man who built his house on stone contrasted with the foolish man who built his house on sand; ‘And the rain fell, and the floods came, and the winds blew and beat against that house, and it fell.’

 

Original article: Counterpunch April 7, 2016
More articles by:Cillian Doyle


Does anyone still take them seriously?

By Gene Kerrigan

'Frankly, I'm getting tired of being lied to.'

'Frankly, I'm getting tired of being lied to.'

Let's try what they call a "thought experiment". That's something that used to be called "blue sky thinking". Before that the cool people called it "thinking outside the box". Back in my day, we called it "thinking"

Let's see if the two largest right-wing parties have any credibility left; if the media is being played like an accordion; and if we really need a government at all.

For this thought experiment, let's imagine we had a general election and Richard Boyd Barrett ended up at the head of a party with 50 TDs.

And, as he's still sorting out who sits where, in comes Ruth Coppinger, and behind her there are 40 more TDs from her party.

So, in this thought experiment, about 90 TDs are elected for two left-wing parties, thereby giving them a solid majority in the Dail.

What would happen next?

Anyone with more than two ounces of brain tissue would expect the immediate formation of the first left wing government in the history of the State.

But, suppose Richard said, "Ah, no".

And Ruth said, "Nah, that's not on".

And suppose that with no further explanation they began weeks of "round table discussions" with Independents and odds and sods galore, even as the numbers of homeless steadily increased and the doubts about the economy multiplied.

And suppose everyone in the country knew that this refusal to form a stable government had its basis in an unnecessary civil war fought 93 years earlier.

And that it was complicated by a struggle for party advantage, not to mention ego.

And suppose we all knew that policy differences are minimal.

This is what has been going on for the past 37 days, and will continue for maybe another 37, as the people who fought the election on the issue of "stability" try to find a way of besting one another.

And they must find a way in which they control the government, and simultaneously prevent the development of any other opposition.

But what if it wasn't two right wing parties? What would happen that would be different if it was Boyd Barrett and Coppinger playing juvenile games?

You know well what would happen.

Every time either of them, or anyone connected with them, came within range of a camera or a microphone, or sat down or stood up or walked through a doorway, a bellow of journalists would descend on them.

We can be certain that Richard and Ruth and all the other lefties would be hounded day and night by professionally indignant journalists.

The papers would be full of analysis that explained that the electorate had made a dreadful mistake. The voters had elected irresponsible left-wing chancers who didn't give a damn about the people.

So, from this thought experiment we can conclude that our media are pretty tolerant of right-wing playacting. Only in the past few days have some outlets become slightly irked at being played for suckers.

Even now, journalists who have to keep on good terms with their political sources insist that this is just the nitty-gritty of putting a government together.

It's not.

Experienced journalists have found themselves being told that Enda's people having a chat with Mattie McGrath is "very constructive".

And that a sit-down between Leo Varadkar and Michael Healy-Flatcap amounts to "government formation".

Enda ran out of people to talk to and had to have the two Green TDs in for a second time, during which even they found the farce too much to take, and walked out.

And the Taoiseach, in this day and age, with the vast apparatus available to him, from army couriers to highly paid advisors, tried but was unable to contact the leader of Fianna Fail.

And vice versa.

Enda rang Mee-hawl, who didn't hear the phone ringing, didn't notice the texts. Ah, sure, you know how it is - lunchtime, a few scoops with the lads, a bit of banter, and you don't notice the phone buzzing away in your pocket. We've all been there.

Imagine Boyd Barrett or Coppinger trying to get away with that bullshit.

While the clowns have been cavorting, serious doubts have been forced on us as to whether we need a government. And whether there is any point to having elections - and this in a period in which Enda and Mee-hawl and the rest of them have been commemorating the people who gave us an independent(-ish) state.

We're told the children's hospital is being delayed again. There can't be a more serious health project, but the Government has stood idly by as one delay followed another, at a leisurely pace.

Education has been eased away from academics, to become part of the supply chain for business, so the Minister for Education has little to do except occasionally worsen the pupil-teacher ratio at primary level.

The Minister for Transport has no role in the current Luas dispute, because it's a private company. Why exactly do we have a Minister for Transport, if such a central part of the transport system is off limits to him?

Oh, yes, I forgot - he's there to gradually crop State involvement in bus and rail and anything else that moves.

Alan Kelly, Power Ranger, tells us now that in his experience as minister for housing, the Government can't do anything about the homeless, because of the property clause in the Constitution.

Hospitals, education, transport, housing - it's out of the Government's hands because of the Constitution or the EU or "the market".

Do we need a government, at all, then? Or an election?

Now they selectively leak an alleged "legal opinion" that allegedly says we can't get rid of Irish Water because of an alleged "EU rule".

I wonder why this alleged EU rule didn't apply to Paris, when they took the privatised water supply back into municipal control? And why it won't apply to Rouen, Saint Malo, Brest, Nice, Bordeaux, Rennes and Montpellier as they do the same?

Or to Berlin when they took back control of the water supply in 2013?

Frankly, I'm getting tired of being lied to.

Meanwhile, to add farce to farce, with great pomp the media tells us that Michael Noonan has been brought in to knock some sense into the "negotiations" for "government formation".

Really? Is that the Michael Noonan who made a balls of the Fine Gael campaign, with his 12 billion fiscal space that turned out to be eight billion?

There's no "money to play with", says the man who spent the past few months telling us how he'd fixed the economy. Does anyone anywhere take seriously anything that person says anymore?

Which brings us back to our thought experiment.

It would be a big jump, blowing off the right-wing parties and giving the left a majority. But, consider this.

The farce on Thursday - about missed calls and who called who - that's not an aberration. That kind of childish stuff has been going on since the election. And during the election. And before the election - same clowns, same politics of bluff and pander.

On top of the deregulation that caused the crash; the market worship and the cowardice when the ECB made faces at them. Next time this happens - and it will - do we want Enda and Mee-hawl and Michael of the miscounted billions dealing with the bankers and the EU hard nuts who instruct them to pay bankers' debts?

The playacting that's been going on suggests we need to do a lot more "thought experiments" about the nature of Irish politics.

Original article:   Sunday Independent Published 3/4/2016